“We won’t tell you what you should do — not because we don’t know [what you should do], but because you do. People should be guided by their conscience.”
With these words, students in Belgrade on June 28 symbolically passed on the baton of civil resistance to the rest of Serbian society.
They did so during a protest in which they clearly formulated an ultimatum to the government: either call a snap parliamentary election or face civil disobedience.
At a major rally in Belgrade on June 28, students symbolically passed on the baton of civil resistance to the rest of Serbian societyImage: Djordje Kojadinovic/REUTERS
After eight months of peaceful demonstrations, the anti-graft and anti-government protest movement has entered a new phase.
How did protests escalate?
The protest on June 28 escalated into clashes between citizens and police, who spent hours removing demonstrators from the streets of the city center. Police used stun grenades, tear gas and batons in response to protesters throwing bottles and stones.
Social media platforms were quickly flooded with videos showing police officers using force — even against those putting up no resistance.
The story of Luka Mihajlovic, a student from Novi Sad, spread like wildfire: Mihajlovic was reportedly knocked down and beaten while standing calmly with his hands raised.
Because of the injuries he sustained, Mihajlovic ended up in a hospital, where — while awaiting surgery — a judge ordered him into custody without a hearing. His mother found him in the hospital handcuffed to the bed, under guard and without access to a phone.
Are students targets for police?
The next day, blockades spread from Belgrade to the rest of Serbia.
Citizens spontaneously closed roads and intersections — some by setting up barricades using dumpsters, others by continually walking back and forth across pedestrian crossings.
The protest on June 28 escalated into clashes between citizens and policeImage: Marko Djurica/REUTERS
The police responded with force. Hundreds were detained; many were injured.
Biljana Stojkovic, an activist and professor at the Faculty of Biology at the University of Belgrade, witnessed a particularly brutal police attack on students who, she says, were peacefully playing volleyball at a street blockade.
“Several police vans arrived and, within seconds, police officers with batons drawn charged across the intersection toward the students, who scattered and ran toward the Law Faculty,” Stojkovic told DW.
Footage from that evening shows police officers striking students, dragging them out of the faculty building and detaining them.
“It was so horrific that I almost blacked out,” says Stojkovic. “I screamed, hit the police shields, truly in total despair, because the scene was incredibly brutal. They pushed me aside, as they were clearly under orders to arrest and beat students only.”
Escalation prompts new tactics
More than 300 citizens were detained during the first few days of civil disobedience. The number has since risen considerably, but no official statistics have been released.
Police used stun grenades, tear gas and batons in response to protesters throwing bottles and stones. Many protesters were detainedImage: Marko Djurica/REUTERS
The Ministry of Internal Affairs has not responded to DW’s requests for information.
Among those detained are minors, students, professors, doctors, lawyers, activists, politicians and opposition councilors.
In response, students have shifted to a new tactic they’re calling “outsmarting.” This involves relocating instead of resisting. When the police arrive, protesters either move to a different intersection or simply sit in the shade while officers stand guard on the hot asphalt, blocking an empty “blockade.”
President Vucic’s strategy
But just as the authorities in Belgrade and Novi Sad seemed to be stepping back from the use of force, new protest flashpoints began emerging across Serbia.
“While the police in one city act brutally, in others, it’s calmer. Nevertheless, police have stepped up their ID checks on people using the sidewalks, in the streets, during blockades, without any cause. Then, within two days, those people receive misdemeanor charges,” says Stojkovic.
She believes that all this is part of President Alexandar Vucic’s strategy. He knows that he must balance repression with avoiding open violence, as brutality could trigger a response from the European Union.
Citizens are closing roads and intersections, sometimes by setting up barricades using dumpsters; sometimes by continually walking back and forth across pedestrian crossingsImage: Darko Vojinovic/AP Photo/picture alliance
The official narrative from the Interior Ministry oscillates between calls for calm and direct threats.
Minister Ivica Dacic stated that “blocking vital roads” is illegal and will not be tolerated. According to him, the police are simply doing their job. “Everyone has the right to political engagement,” said Dacic, “but there’s a time and a place for the political fight.”
Will the police remain loyal?
A growing number of citizens no longer believe that the police are acting lawfully, saying instead that they are being used as a political tool.
Over 100 former and active police officers signed an open appeal to their colleagues to reject unlawful orders.
Among them is Ugljesa Bokic, who left the police in 2023 and now works in journalism. He says that many in the police force do not support the current situation.
“The law obliges them to be out on the streets, but they’re also faced with a moral dilemma that runs counter to their legal duties,” Bokic told DW.
Residents and students block Oslobodenja Boulevard in Novi Sad Image: Maxim Konankov/NurPhoto/picture alliance
Two active officers interviewed by DW confirmed that there has been growing discontent within the police force — especially in recent months — but they say that, for now, it amounts to no more than “just grumbling under their breath.”
“While people might hope for it, the idea that the police will side with the people is quite romanticized,” says Bokic. “I can more easily imagine a silent rebellion: people going on sick leave or finding other ways to avoid acting against citizens without risking their status.”
He dismisses claims that the authorities have put supporters of the ruling party in police uniforms and are deploying them alongside real officers, saying that such a move would have been impossible to keep secret.
Nevertheless, he says that there is a “small circle of officers who are absolutely loyal to the regime.”
Vucic is adamant: No snap election
Despite all this, President Vucic still categorically rejects the possibility of a snap election, adhering to his previous line that elections in Serbia will only be held in late 2026/early 2027.
Police officers cross a red line drawn by students in front of the technical faculties building, marking the symbolic boundary of university independenceImage: Katarina Redzic/BETAPHOTO/SIPA/picture alliance
“Not five or six hours go by without me thinking about elections. I’m a political animal — I live for this, 24 hours a day. But you must understand that there are more important things than elections — like your country, your Serbia,” Vucic said.
But conditions on the ground suggest that pressure will not subside. Protests are being organized in nearly every town, blockades are popping up spontaneously, and citizens are coordinating shifts as if preparing for prolonged resistance.
Students believe the protests will become even more decentralized over the summer as many return to their hometowns and continue organizing there. That’s how they managed to sustain the movement during the winter holidays, when many thought the protests would peter out.
“The only way out of this crisis — both social and political — is snap parliamentary elections,” says Professor Stojkovic. “The country is already collapsing, and if this continues, elections will become inevitable.”
For citizens on the streets, elections are not the ultimate goal; but the minimum requirement. They say that the pressure is just beginning.
Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan